Author's Note: An earlier version was read to the conference on Soviet And American Relations with Turkey, Iran, and Afghanistan: Advances and Setbacks, during 1990, organized by the Middle East Studies Center, at Ohio State University. Thanks go to Alam Payind, Stephen Dale, Jefferey Roberts.
1. Epigraph. Kazim Karabekir, Istiklal Harbimiz. (Istanbul, 1960).
2. For a broader treatment of the topic, and sources, see H. B. Paksoy, "'Basmachi:' The Turkistan National Liberation Movement," Modern Encyclopedia of Religions in Russia and Soviet Union (Academic Press, 1992). Vol. 5.
3. According to the generally accepted chronology, the Turkish War of Independence began on 19 May 1919, when Mustafa Kemal, as the Inspector General of the 9th Army, disembarked at Samsun. Approximately a month earlier, General Kazim Karabekir had already assumed the Command of the XV. Corps in Erzurum. Prior to leaving Istanbul, Karabekir notes, he had called on Mustafa Kemal and outlined his own plan for the forthcoming Independence Struggle. According to his account, Karabekir invited Mustafa Kemal to join him in Erzurum at that meeting.
4. Which the British worked earlier so hard to keep intact, as a buffer between the tsarist empire and the Middle East.
5. The TBMM (Turkiye Buyuk Millet Meclisi) formally convened for the first time on 23 April 1920, in Ankara, following the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses. See Kazim Ozturk, Ataturk'n TBMM Aik ve Gizli Oturumlarindaki Konusmalari (Ankara, 1981). Though a portion of the events referenced in this paper predate that official mark (from April-May 1919), the TBMM designation is utilized throughout to encompass efforts and personnel which were integral to the movement. In keeping with the terminology utilized by the sources, I also made use of "Representative Council" ("Heyeti Vekiliye," roots of which are in the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses) and "Nationalists," ("Kuvai Milliye," and various "Mudafaai Hukuk Cemiyetleri") interchangeably.
6. Karabekir's references to his own past are limited to his official correspondence and actions, avoiding virtually any mention of his private life. It is possible that Karabekir kept a personal journal. For glimpses of his private life, see the introduction by Tahsin Demiray to Karabekir's Istiklal Harbimiz (Istanbul, 1960). Also, to the anonymous introduction to Karabekir's Dogunun Kurtulusu (Erzurum: Erzurum Ticaret ve Sanayi Odasi Arastirma, Gelistirme ve Yardimlasma Vakfi Yayinlari, 1990). N. kse, Turk Istiklal Harbi'ne Katilan Tumen ve Daha Ust Kademelerdeki Komutanlarin Biyografileri (Ankara, 1989) was unavailable to me at this writing.
7. See H. N. Howard, The King-Crane Commission. (Beirut, 1963).
8. At the time, Rear Admiral Mark L. Bristol was the Senior US Naval Officer at Istanbul, later becoming the US High Commissioner. A hospital named after him is still operational in Istanbul.
9. See Major General James G. Harbord (USA), Report Dated 16 October 1919, in American Association for International Conciliation. No. 151, (June 1920). Pp. 275-302.
10. Army Corps were generally composed of three Divisions. The XV. Army Corps (Erzurum) contained four (for a total of approximately 18,000 men), possibly because the Division in Trabzon was separated from its original command structure due to war conditions, attached, ad interim, to the XV. Corps, and remained a component for the duration. Related events are recounted in Fevzi akmak's memoirs, who commanded Armies in the region during the First World War. Fevzi Pasha was Minister of War in Istanbul prior to the Allied occupation, joined the TBMM during late April 1920.
11. Throughout this period, the calendar in use was "Mali," the "day of year" portion of which had been officially ajdusted on 1 March 1917 to coincide with the Gregorian style by the Istanbul Government. The TBMM Government completed the transition by additional measures in 1925 and 1935, such as the division of the day into standard 24 hours (as opposed to the practice of timing by local solar time) and moving the holiday to Sunday. The names of the months were changed to Turkish during 1945.
12. This paper pursues the topic from the least studies set of sources, the TBMM perspective. Given the number of political entities involved in the events, a complete bibliography on the topic would not only fill a volume, but would have to encompass entries in a dozen or more languages. However, there are numerous works on specific subjects. Therefore, what follows is a set of references covering the principal outline of the subject matter (excluding most of the works cited in the footnotes to this paper), majority of which contain very useful bibliographies themselves.
13. Inter alia, see Nur Bilge Criss, "Istanbul During Allied Occupation, 1918-1923." PhD dissertation, The George Washington University, 1990.
14. See for example, the Joint Note of the Allied Governments in answer to President Wilson, The Murderous Tyranny of the Turks written by Arnold J. Toynbee (Hodder & Stoughton, 1917). Toynbee was a member of the British Delegation to the Paris Peace Conference. He later "toned down" his "arguments," though his leanings are still thinly veiled. See Arnold J. Toynbee and Kenneth P. Kirkwood, Turkey (Charles Scribners, 1927). Felix Valyi's Turk's Last Stand: The Historical Tragedy on the Bosphorus (London, 1913) was originally delivered as a lecture at the University of London, and translated into English, reflects the prevailing French position and disagreements between the Allies even before the war.
15. See Howard, The King-Crane Commission, 269. Note 1.
16. Letter from U. S. Ambassador Davis to British Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon, May 12, 1920. Documents on the Middle East, Ralph H. Magnus (Ed.) (American Enterprise Institute, 1969), 37. Curzon was one of the "Players" of the "Great Game in Asia."
17. These were following the pattern of the Mudros Armistice of October 1918. See also Ali Turkgeldi, Moudros ve Mudanya Mtarekelerinin Tarihi (Ankara, 1948).
18. See cable in Karabekir, 513. As late as 5 March 1920, "the American Representative in Istanbul" (identity of whom is not disclosed, but probably is Admiral Bristol) was stressing to Rauf Bey [Orbay], former Minister of Navy of the Ottoman Empire, that the U. S. did not recognize Britain's occupation of the Middle East.
19. The U. S. Senate used George Washington's argument against "foreign entanglements" to decline ratification both the League of Nations and the Lausanne Treaties.
20. Howard, 308. A note on the names appearing within square brackets : Soyadi Kanunu (The Family Name Law) was adopted by the TBMM on 21 June 1934, which concurrently conferred upon Mustafa Kemal the family name of "Ataturk" and prohibited the use of that last name by any other individual. In turn, Ataturk suggested surnames for his close associates, such as "Inonu" for Ismet Bey, to honor a significant battle the latter won at a geographic location by that designation against the invading Greek forces in Western Asia Minor. See Stanford J. & Ezel Kural Shaw, History of Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 1808-1975 (Cambridge, 1977). (Two Vols.) 355- 6. Kazim Karabekir had officially adopted his surname earlier, on 15 April 1911. There was another Kazim Bey in the XV. Army Corps under Karabekir's Command, who was eventually assigned to be the Acting Commander of the same XV. Army Corps during 1920 for a short duration when Karabekir assumed the Command of the Eastern Command. Karabekir noted on page 884 of Istiklal Harbimiz that this Kazim Bey, a colonel, later adopted "Dirik" as his surname, dispelling the notion of Karabekir himself being present in two different locations simultaneously. Another confusion involves "Vasif Bey," appearing in this paper. There were probably two, the first was working for the American Mandate, and the other handled papers related to Bolshevism.
21. Karabekir, 59, 118, 358.
22. This Society was similar to those already extant at the time in Egypt, India, Georgia and Azerbaijan. The French also had their Alliance Franais, akin to those found in Algeria, South East Asia and Oxford.
23. Rawlinson, a British army Lt. Colonel, was a Control Officer in charge of disarming the Ottoman army in Eastern Asia Minor according to the post-war treaties, especially Sevres. There were probably a dozen such officers posted around Asia Minor. Karabekir thought Rawlinson was given other duties as well. He proved to be correct. Like his predecessors and cohorts, Rawlinson published his memoirs, where he elliptically mentions his special duties and the secret verbal orders he received. See Alfred Rawlinson, Adventures in the Middle East. (London, 1923).
24. Karabekir notes: "The Russian Colonel was brought by Rawlinson to look for arms and munitions for the Denikin army. Rawlinson stated that the Whites were British allies, but this Colonel began engaging in Bolshevik propaganda [sic, perhaps the colonel had concealed his allegiances] wherever he went in my territory. I protested, Rawlinson apologized and the Russian Colonel was deported." Rawlinson mentions the Russian Colonel, but likewise does not identify him by name.
25. Karabekir, 63. However, Rawlinson identifies this naval lieutenant as Dunn, of the US Navy Intelligence.
26. A French Colonel also arrived in Erzurum on 2 July 1919. Karabekir, 66.
27. Richard Ullman, Anglo-Soviet Relations, 1917-1921; Intervention and the War (Princeton, 1961).
28. On numerous occasions Karabekir provides details, including the fact that he issued "shoot to kill" orders. He so informed the British and the Bolsheviks.
29. President Wilson returned to France on 5 March 1919. He again departed for the U. S. on 30 june 1919.
30. The King-Crane Commission departed Istanbul for Paris on board USS Dupont 21 August 1919, made its report on 28 August 1919. For a segment of the report, see Documents on the Middle East, 28-37. A more comprehensive coverage is provided in Howard.
31. Karabekir, 118-119.
32. Held at the instigation, organization and insistence of Karabekir. Its communique contained ten articles. Text is in Karabekir, 106-107. See also Shaw, Pp. 344-346; Mahmut Gologlu, Erzurum Kongresi (Ankara, 1968).
33. Karabekir, 102.
34. Text is in Karabekir, 102-3.
35. Rawlinson notes that he returned to London. He gave reports, including to Lord Curzon.
36. Karabekir does not otherwise identify them, complaining that they had pre-conceived notions of what they wished to find. Karabekir, 108.
37. Sivas Congress was in session 4-11 Sep 1919. Its Declaration is in Karabekir, 216-217. Also, Mahmut Gologlu, Sivas Kongresi (Ankara, 1968); Shaw, Pp. 346-347.
38. Karabekir, 121; Howard, 161-179. Karabekir wished that the American Delegation would speak directly with him, so that he could dissuade the Delegation from pursuing the matter further.
39. Mustafa Kemal was in Amasya, discussing the matter with others. Text of the cable is in Karabekir, 57. Shaw, on P. 344, notes that immediately before the Amasya meeting, Mustafa Kemal met in Havza with a Bolshevik delegation headed by Colonel Semen Budenny, who offered arms and ammunition and urged Bolshevism. Sadi Borak, ykleriyle Ataturk'n Ozel Mektuplari (Istanbul, 1980) Pp. 168-238, contains the 1920 deliberations of TBMM under Mustafa Kemal's Presidency, concerning Bolshevizm.
40. Ismet [Inonu] (1884-1973) later joined the Nationalist movement. He and Karabekir were close friends. Ismet Bey became the TBMM Chief of Staff, then successively Commander of the Western Front, TBMM Representative at Mudanya Armistice 1922. He negotiated the 1923 Lausanne Treaty, served as the first Prime Minister 1923-1924, again during 1925-1937, and as the second President of the Turkish Republic 1938-1950 after Mustafa Kemal [Ataturk]. During 1950-1960 Inonu was the Leader of the Opposition, during which time he made one of his principal contributions to the Turkish society. Shortly before his death, he once again became Prime Minister 1961-1965. See S. S. Aydemir, Ikinci Adam [Ismet Inonu] (Istanbul, 1972). Several reprints are available.
41. Throughout this study, the term "Staff Officer" is employed to designate "erkaniharp" [literally "competent (important for) of war"] used by the original sources. [After the language reforms, replaced by the term "kurmay"]. It is a grade attained by officers completing the higher level "erkaniharp mektebi," the Command and General Staff School [established in the post-Crimean War period], after graduating the "Mektebi Harbiye-i Sahane," the Military Academy. As in the Prussian system, the planning functions of units above the battalion strength were entrusted to officers of this group, because they specialize in every branch possessed by the army. Consequently, a Staff Officer was expected to be able to replace any officer of any other specialty without prior warning, and function just as well. Moreover, after the military reforms of the 19th century, promotion to the ranks of Flag Command was basically open only to them. As a result, a Staff Officer was held in higher regard. Tsarist General Staff had also copied the practice.
42. Field Marshal [Ahmet] Izzet Pasha was a highly respected General for his integrity and abilities, had served in Yemen and the Balkan Wars (1911-1912), with a strong and loyal following among the Officer Corps, especially Staff Officers. Karabekir at one point have served under him. Ismet Bey had also been a member of Izzet Pasha's Staff, and enjoyed his trust and affection. The courier, the Staff Officer in question, wished to also make personal contact with Mustafa Kemal and Rauf Bey [Orbay] in Erzurum. Karabekir, 150. See also S. S. Aydemir, Ikinci Adam. Vol I.
43. The Staff Officer was Erzincanli Saffet Bey. Karabekir, 150. FN; 169. Karabekir notes that Saffet Bey was sent to Asia Minor, officially on leave, "ostensibly to pursue personal business in Erzincan."
44. The text is in Karabekir, 170-174.
45. Dated 27 August 1919, text following the Izzet Pasha Memorandum.
46. Ismet Bey to Mustafa Kemal, cable, December (no day given), 1919.
47. Mustafa Kemal to Karabekir, cable, 4 December 1919.
48. Ismet Bey to Karabekir, cable, 29 December 1919.
49. Texts in Karabekir, 178-179.
50. Cable from III. Army Corps Chief of Staff Ahmet Zeki to Karabekir on mandate; Karabekir, 144.
51. Ali Fuat [Cebesoy] (1882-1968) later became the Commander of Western Front, first TBMM Ambassador to Moscow, Member of TBMM, Minister of public works. See his memoirs.
52. Cable, 26 August 1919.
53. Ismet Bey even appeared in Ankara on 20 January 1920, presumably to convince Mustafa Kemal, and returned to Istanbul on 11 February 1920. It was after 16 March 1920, when the Allies occupied the Ottoman Representative Assembly (Meclisi Mebusan) in Istanbul, and sent most of its membership to Malta as prisoners, Ismet Bey left Istanbul with difficulty and joined the Nationalist Movement in Ankara.
54. Texts in Karabekir, 180.
55. Karabekir, 181; FN.
56. See Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Sinif Arkadasim Ataturk: Okul ve Genc Subaylik Hatiralari (Istanbul, 1967).
57. The "conduit" was Louis Edgar Browne, the special correspondent of the Chicago Daily News, sent by Crane. Karabekir obtained advance information on this visit, including Browne's proposed itinerary. See Karabekir, 136, 142. Browne also published his views in Daily News mostly during August 1919. Browne's presence was not at all appreciated by the British Foreign Office, neither was his publication of information long regarded not only confidential, but also the sole preserve of the Foreign and Colonial Office. For British Comments, see Howard, 290.
58. Karabekir notes a letter (dated 17 October 1919) he received from Colonel Galatali Sevket Bey providing Admiral Bristol's comments. The tone of the letter suggests that the quotation from Admiral Bristol was obtained personally and privately. See 377.
59. See Howard, 271.
60. Mustafa Kemal To Karabekir, cable dated 21 September 1919. Text in Karabekir 225; Also reported by Howard, 273.
61. Karabekir, 224-300 contains cables, analysis and details.
62. Text in Karabekir, 305-314, followed by addenda, 314- 318. It appears that this report was published separately by Karabekir, in Erzurum, probably in the same year. Harbord's report was also printed, probably in condensed form: Major General James G. Harbord (USA) Report Dated 16 October 1919, in American Association for International Conciliation. No. 151, (June 1920). Howard notes that a US Senate Hearing also included the Harbord comments.
63. The schools and organizations Karabekir established within the XV. Army Corps during 1919 to care for the war orphans apparently formed the basis of the ocuk Esirgeme Kurumu founded later by the TBMM government.
64. Individuals are identified in Karabekir, 181-182. It is suggested that the Minister of Interior in Istanbul, Adil Bey; Minister of War in Istanbul, Sleyman Sefik Pasha were also implicated. Texts of cables provided in Karabekir, 203.
65. Numerous texts and analysis are scattered in Karabekir, 156-358.
66. Their correspondence with the Istanbul Ministry of Interior were intercepted, outlining the basic plan. Texts are in Karabekir, 208-210.
67. Karabekir, 262-264.
68. Karabekir notes that, later refined intelligence indicated a secondary objective of the plotters: ambushing the Sivas Congress, arresting and sending its leadership to Istanbul. Karabekir, 182. See also Borak, Pp. 324-337.
69. What was prevented in Eastern Asia Minor, was reenacted in the Northwest and Western Asia Minor, during early 1920. Those provocations had to be dealt with military units and the Independence Tribunals [Istiklal Mahkemeleri]. See, for example, the communication related to the Anzavur incident in Karabekir, 502-510. See also Bilal Simsir, Ingiliz Belgeleri ile Sakarya'dan Izmir'e (1921-1922) (Istanbul, 1972).
70. Shortly after the aforementioned military movements commenced, Major Noel's superiors began appearing in the territories of the XIII. and III. Army Corps: On 12 September 1919, Colonel Zehzild (Sp?), who was based in Malatya; on 13 September, 1919, Colonel Neil (Neal?) who especially came to Malatya in connection with this matter; on 12 September 1919, Colonel Pepl (Sp?), who arrived separately, from Aleppo, in Malatya; all of whom personally received hearty protests from the XIII. Army Corps Commander, General Cevdet. In addition, the US General Hanlig (Sp?), in charge of another investigative delegation on its way to Harput and Sivas, received a detailed briefing of the events. The XIII. Army Corps Commander Cevdet Bey also telegraphed his vehement protests to the British General Commanding in Aleppo. Reportedly, Col. Neil indicated that Major Noel had acted without the information or authority of the British government, therefore was being withdrawn immediately. See 239 and 246.
71. Text of "Crimes of the Cabinet" in Karabekir, 182-184; pages 226-228 contain the synopsis of the events, and what the Istanbul government hoped to accomplish.
72. Texts in Karabekir, 283-294.
73. One sample is in Karabekir, 296-297.
74. On 5 April 1920, General Denikin arrived in Istanbul aboard a British destroyer, in the company of his Chief of Staff and visited the "Romanoff Embassy" in Istanbul. Denikin's Chief of Staff was murdered by persons unknown, upon which Denikin immediately returned to the destroyer.
75. Brother and uncle respectively, of Enver. Both had participated in the First World War against the Russians, appointed as Generals and Army Commanders by Enver. After the Armistice, both had attempted to organize an Army of Islam in the Caucasus with which to fight the Bolsheviks. They failed and were detained.
76. See Richard Ullman, Anglo-Soviet Relations, 1917-1921; Intervention and the War (Princeton, 1961), 75; 227-230. The idea was originally advanced by British General Smuts, who was opposed by Curzon.
77. For example, see La Republique de l'Azerbaidjan du Caucase (Paris, 1919).
78. Karabekir, 456.
79. Karabekir sent word, directly (using a pen name) and via others, that Azerbaijan ought to come to an understanding with the Bolsheviks at the earliest possible opportunity, to retain its independence. Otherwise, he warned, any misstep --especially armed conflict-- would cause the demise of Azerbaijan. See 523-524. See also Hseyin Baykara Azerbaycan Istiklal Mucadelesi Tarihi (Istanbul, 1975).
80. Rauf Bey [Orbay] (1881-1964) was a former Minister of Navy of the Ottoman Empire. He went to Istanbul as a Meclisi Mebusan deputy, with full sanction of the TBMM movement, aware of what could happen. He was among the group arrested within the Meclisi Mebusan and interned at Malta by the British. After his release and return, he also served as TBMM Prime Minister (1922-1923).
81. The specific date is not indicated, but probably not later than June 1919.
82. Karabekir, 58.
83. See Y. Akyuz, Turk Kurtulus Savasi ve Fransiz Kamuoyu, 1919-1922 (Ankara, 1988); M. N. Lohanizade, Gaziantep Savunmasi (Istanbul, 1989); Kazim Ozturk, Ataturk'n TBMM Aik ve Gizli Oturumlarindaki Konusmalari, Vol. I, 291-294. Also, Karabekir, 460-464.
84. Mustafa Kemal to Karabekir, cable, 6 February 1920; outlines the current and its debate. Karabekir, 465-467. See also Borak.
85. During 1919 alone, for example, there were no less than eleven new Ministers of War in Istanbul.
86. See also Mahmut Sevket Pasa Sadrazam ve Harbiye Naziri Mahmut Sevket Pasa'nin Gunlugu (Istanbul, 1988).
87. The territories lost to Russia in the 19th century included west and northwest of Nakchevan, including Batum, Kars and Ardahan. Those were restored to the Ottomans by the Brest-Litovsk treaty of 3 March 1918, but the treaty provisions were not yet implemented. That is not to say that Karabekir had not that very idea, reoccupation of the lost territories. However, Karabekir was determined to choose his own timing. He was not allowed by the TBMM, and had to comply with a much different timetable. See also A. B. Kadishev, Interventsiia i grazhdanskaia voina v zakavkaz'e (Moscow, 1960); G. Madatov, Pobeda sovetskoi vlasti v Nakhichevani i obrazovannie Nakhichevanskoi ASSR (Baku, 1968); and the Fevzi Cakmak volume.
88. See cables: Karabekir to Mustafa Kemal (22 February 1920); and Mustafa Kemal, on behalf of the Representative Council, to Karabekir (23 February 1920). They are both lengthy and complex, providing details on the suspicion that there may yet be another agenda to the Allied encouragement of Ankara, one that would pit the forces of TBMM directly against those of the Istanbul government, thereby allowing the Allied powers to exert control over the considerably weakened survivors. Karabekir, 478-482.
89. See E. E. Adamov (Ed.) Razdel Aziatskoi Turstsii (Partition of Asiatic Turkey) (Moscow, 1924) is based on the papers of the tsarist Foreign Ministry Papers. This book was published when the Bolsheviks were eager to be seen as completely breaking with the tsarist mold. This work was translated into Turkish by Staff Officer Lt. Col. Babaeskili Huseyin Rahmi in Amiens-France and published as Anadolunun Taksim Plani (Istanbul, 1926). A Second Edition was made (Istanbul, 1972).
90. Some twenty-five years later, immediately after the Second World War, Russians did just that, and demanded the very same territory from the Turkish Republic.
91. For the general model developed for the purpose, see A. Reznikov The Comintern and the East: Strategy and Tactics (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1984). This is an abridged translation from the original 1978 Russian edition.
92. For an inside view, see Va-Nu (Vala Nureddin), Bu Dunyadan Nazim Gecti. (Istanbul, 1965). Also, S. S. Aydemir, Suyu Arayan Adam (Istanbul, 1972). Further, H. B. Paksoy, "Nationality and Religion: Three Observations from mer Seyfettin" Central Asian Survey Vol. 3, No. 3, (1984) for an example on the activities of nationalist literati of the era.
93. Detailed reports from the Caucasus are in Karabekir, 491-497, including the political spectrum in Azerbaijan.
94. Cable dated 5 March 1920 from Rauf [Orbay] to TBMM, concerning 1) "non-publication" of the Harbord Report [sic], and 2) Rauf Bey's words: "we shall look to the East if... the US does not follow through its publicly made commitments" are significant. Karabekir, 513.
95. Azerbaijan Democratic Republic was announced on 28 May 1918. It was re-occupied by the Russsians on 28 April 1920, despite the written guarantees they gave to the contrary.
96. Karabekir, 520, 522.
97. Karabekir notes that in the end Dr. Fuat Sabit became a real Bolshevik, returned to the TBMM territories with money and secret code to communicate with his controllers, established his operation across Karabekir's headquarters and was caught red handed. The tone of the references to Dr. Fuat Sabit suggests that Karabekir took the incident rather personally, perhaps even regarding it as a personal failure. See note on 794.
98. Cable from Mustafa Kemal to Karabekir, dated 15 March 1920. 526.
99. Karabekir, 528.
100. After Karabekir's orders were carried out, the TBMM leadership in Ankara, through Mustafa Kemal, directed Karabekir to invite Rawlinson "to be our guest."
101. In his memoirs, Rawlinson seems to dispute this.
102. Rawlinson speaks very highly of Karabekir, though not recording every encounter the two had.
103. Intelligence reports are on Karabekir, 539-543. According to the reporting officer, one member of this delegation was "an Ottoman Turk who had moved to the tsarist domains some five or six years earlier." The second was a Tatar from Crimea and the third "a Moslem" from Yalta. They carried credentials sewn into the inner linings of their trouser belts. It appears that this delegation was discovered by happenstance. Karabekir ordered additional information on the circumstances through which this Delegation came into contact with his officers.
104. Cables dated 17 March to 21 March 1920. Karabekir, 544- 554.
105. Details of the conditions are on Karabekir, 550-554. On communications censorship, see 590.
106. At that moment, the border was almost immediately to the East of Trabzon, as a result of the 1877 and 1914 losses.
107. Karabekir does not provide the details of how the prior arrangement was made. On the other hand, it was probably accomplished through Staff Officer Captain Mustafa Bey, or by the Commander of the 7th Regiment (of the component 3rd Division in Trabzon of the XV. Army Corps), Riza Bey (no rank given). Both had been previously sent to make contact with the bolsheviks. There is also mention of another Captain by the name of Ihsan Efendi, who had been on the Staff of the 3rd Division Commander Rst during the First World War, also sent by the 3rd Division Commander across the border upon receiving orders from Karabekir on 17 March. See 543.
108. Karabekir, 571-575.
109. Meaning "National Forces." When the Greek armies began occupying Western Asia Minor in May 1919, most of the citizenry in the region formed defense and resistance units to fight the invasion. These units were generally known as "Kuvai Milliye." See Shaw, 340-1. Karabekir continually argued against converting the existing Army Corps structure into "Kuvai Milliye," as some others (such as Ali Fuat and Mustafa Kemal) advocated, for it would not have brought any advantage, since the Army Corps were the National Forces. Portions of the XIV. (Bandirma) and the XX. (Ankara) Corps, in the vicinity of Eskisehir and towards the Northwest, were actually "converted" --whatever that may have signified-- into "Kuvai Milliye" and entered into armed conflicts; probably not all sanctioned by the full Representative Council in Ankara. Shortly afterward, that designation was abandoned, and the Army Corps structure reinstituted for the XIV. and XX. See Borak; Ozturk, for related events.
110. Karabekir, 581.
111. On 28 March 1920, Karabekir wrote to Halil and Nuri Pashas, asking them to establish a wireless in the city of Gence and transmit information to be received by those three stations of the XV. Army Corps. Karabekir indicates that his wireless were using the call "E. B. K."
112. She also served as a translator to several delegations consulting with the King-Crane Commission in Istanbul regarding the American Mandate. See her Turkiye'de Sark, Garp ve Amerikan Tesirleri, (Istanbul, 1955).
113. Texts are on Karabekir, 609-616.
114. It is possible that during the transcription process (It is recalled that the TBMM adopted the Latin alphabet during 1928, and the documents were originally written in the "Ottoman Script"), the letter b may have been omitted from the name Baha Sabit.
115. [sic] The text does not state "by you," but is elliptical.
116. Cable from Karabekir to Mustafa Kemal, dated 12 April 1920.
117. Karabekir to Mustafa Kemal, cable dated 13 April 1920. 618-619.
118. Karabekir to Mustafa Kemal, 13 April 1920. 620-624.
119. Not to be confused with the Karakol Cemiyeti [Outpost Society] operational in Istanbul in 1919, which was suppressed by the Allies, and succeeded by the "M. M." groups. See below.
120. Text in Karabekir, 628-630.
121. It appears that this Kara Vasif Bey is a different person than the Vasif Bey who worked to effect the American Mandate. According to the documentation provided by S. S. Aydemir, Makedonya'dan Orta Asya'ya Enver Pasa (Istanbul, 1972) Vol. 3, Kara Vasif Bey was working for Enver Pasha, receiving regular pay. In return, the Bolshevik government was funding Enver and his various secret organizational efforts via the Foreign Affairs Commisar. Enver wished to return to Asia Minor, take over the TBMM movement and replace its leadership with previous CUP cadres.
122. Mustafa Kemal to Karabekir, dated 16 April 1920. Texts are in Karabekir, 630-632. See also Borak.
123. Texts are on Karabekir, 633-634.
124. See Ozturk, Ataturk'n TBMM Acik ve Gizli Oturumlarindaki Konusmalari.
125. See notes on 650-656. However, this is not a widely held view. It is said that Karabekir was, by that time, in political opposition to Mustafa Kemal. See Shaw, 360-1.
126. Yomut is a tribe of the Turkmen, a fact Karabekir acknowledges further down the Declaration. This dual treatment of the Yomut by Karabekir may be due to the widespread presence of Yomut, from Iran to Afghanistan.
127. Text in Karabekir, 661-662.
128. Texts are on Karabekir, 662-663. Also Borak.
129. The contradiction between the date mentioned earlier and this one is perhaps due to messages arriving overnight, straddling two days, or caused by the date conversion method, an issue referenced earlier.
130. Contents are in Karabekir, 667-668.
131. Karabekir, 673-678.
132. One specific instance concerns Mustafa Kemal's repeated attempts to give orders to two officers in Karabekir's Command, without informing Karabekir in advance. Karabekir discovered the incident by means of personally breaking the code of a suspicious telegram. He confronted Mustafa Kemal politely, and the officers concerned firmly. Details on 680- 683.
133. Texts on Karabekir, 682-684. R. Pipes in his The Formation of the Soviet Union, 1917-1924, 2nd printing (Harvard, 1970) on 181 states that Orenburg was captured by the Bolsheviks during January 1919. However, Togan, in his Hatiralar, 324, notes he had received the said telegram as the Chairman of the Orenburg Government, from Mustafa Kemal in "Erzurum," relayed from Orenburg via Sterlitamak to Moscow where he was at that moment. Togan acknowledges that the Orenburg Government "was living its last breaths."
134. Albayrak is probably the first TBMM era periodical, established (perhaps even at the urging of Karabekir) before the Erzurum Congress, thus predates its counterparts in Sivas and Ankara. However, Karabekir's comments on the owner/publisher of this paper are not very favorable, since the latter attempted to engage in political intrigue. See Karabekir, note on 833.
135. Texts in Karabekir, 695-696. See also A. Gkoglu, Inkilabimizda Posta ve Telgrafcilar (Istanbul, 1938).
136. Eventually, no funds were received.
137. For summaries, see the contents of cable dated 9 May 1920, from XII. Army Corps (Konya) to III. Army Corps (Sivas). Karabekir, 720-721; and 728.
138. Cables in Karabekir, 720-745.
139. Text on Karabekir, 755-756; Ozturk, Ataturk'n TBMM Acik ve Gizli Oturumlarindaki Konusmalari.
140. Signed shortly before that year. See Shaw 332.
141. Karabekir, 762-763.
142. (1872-1922) Former Minister of Navy of the Ottoman Empire, a member of the ruling Triumvirate of the governing Committee of Union and Progress party. Assassinated by an Armenian terrorist.
143. Texts on Karabekir, 784-801; also Borak.
144. See Karabekir, 809.
145. Karabekir, 812; also 817 and 822.
146. In his memoirs, Rawlinson alludes to his methods, and the help he received from the Istanbul government.
147. Identified as Staff Officer Major Ismail Hakki and Aziz Bey. They state they were sent to the Northern Caucasus together, as part of a delegation, upon specific request of a Plenipotentiary from Northern Caucasus applying to Cemal and Fevzi Pashas (in their capacities as Ministers of War), arriving there (with the knowledge and aid of Karabekir) at the end of March 1920. Their duties included organizing the defense of Northern Caucasus and securing its independence. This was a matter which interested Enver Pasha very much. See also [Issuing Body] Kuzey Kafkas-Turk Kltr Dernegi Yayini 11 Mayis 1918: Simali Kafkasya'nin Istiklali (Istanbul, 1965). Further, M. Butbay, Kafkasya Hatiralari, yayina hazirlayan: A. C. Canbulat (Ankara, 1990).
148. Appears to be a translation of "soviet," as used by the Bolsheviks.
149. Texts of related cables are in Karabekir, 826-836.
150. See the letters by Halil in Masayuki Yamauchi, The Green Crescent Under the Red Star: Enver Pasha in Soviet Russia 1919-1922 (Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, 1991) for the motives of Halil.
151. See Z. V. Togan, Hatiralar, for a clandestine inside view. This Congress was earlier instigated by Togan, by speaking to Lenin, Stalin and other TsK members. Also, Stephen White, "The Baku Congress of the Toilers of the East," Slavic Review, September, 1967; R. Pipes, Formation of the Soviet Union.
152. Karabekir, 849-854; also Borak.
153. Halil Pasha was now attempting to scheme against Karabekir, by secretly appealing to Karabekir's Chief of Staff for joint action. See note on 863.
154. In his lengthy footnote, he also disagrees with Mustafa Kemal's memoirs, Nutuk, citing page numbers and providing copies of his own cables in refutation. See. Karabekir, 869- 871.
155. Text on Karabekir, 870-872.
156. The type of this "privilege" which is not clear. The officer uses the phrase "Demir adam sahibi imtiyazi sahibi imis."
157. Text on Karabekir, 872-875. Also documents in Yamauchi, on the "black market."
158. Arif Baytin, who commanded an Ottoman Infantry Regiment during the First World War, provides a vivid account of Enver's "field activities" at the "Caucasus Front." According to Baytin, Enver --Minister of Defense, Son-in-Law to the Imperial Family, Deputy Commander-in-Chief, Member of the Ruling Triumvirate of the Governing CUP; in essence combining all the Military and Civilian authority in his person-- arrived with his German Staff and began giving verbal orders to a Regimental Commander, to start the fighting in the Caucasus Front. The hastily conceived and issued orders, bypassing all chains-of-command and plans, turned the tide against the Ottoman forces within three days, when Enver left the "field" and returned Istanbul. See Arif Baytin, Ilk Dunya Harbinde Kafkas Cephesi [The Caucasus Front During the First World War] (Istanbul, 1946). Baytin himself was taken prisoner by the Russians, sent to Siberia. For further details on the topic, and commentary, see Necdet Oklem, 1. Cihan Savasi ve Sarikamis: Ihsan Pasa'nin Anilari, Sibiryada Esaretten Kacis (Izmir, 1985). On the other hand, Husamettin Erturk, in his Iki Devrin Perde Arkasi, warmly praises Enver, especially due to the establishment of the "Teskilat-i Mahsusa," the secret service of the CUP, which was active in the Caucasus and North Africa. In very elliptical terms, Erturk implies that this organization also performed duties elsewhere. See also Karabekir's volumes on this topic.
159. Karabekir, 875-876. See also Borak for correspondence in the same vein between Enver and Mustafa Kemal.
160. Karabekir, 883-884.
161. Identified only as "Edward Fox, District Commander, N. E. B. Kars."
162. For a while, his brother Mdivani was the Menshevik Georgian Ambassador to Ankara. See Karabekir, 931.
163. See Ozturk, Ataturk'n TBMM Acik ve Gizli Oturumlarindaki Konusmalari, 247-248, on the designation of a replacement Foreign Minister. Bekir Sami Bey, who was the Foreign Minister, was earlier appointed to the TBMM Plenipotentiary Delegation to Moscow.
164. It is not clear if the cable or the Foreign Minister was delayed.
165. For his memoirs of the period, see Ali Fuat [Cebesoy], Moskova Hatiralari (Ankara, 1982).
166. See Masayuki Yamauchi, "A Possible solution of Mustafa Subhi's Case: A Letter in the Archives of the Turkish Historical Society" Turkestan: als historischer Faktor und politische Idee (Baymirza Hayit Festschrift) Erling von Mende (Ed.) (Koln, 1988). In a letter written by Talat to Enver, is a description of events from Talat's point of view, concerning the demise of Mustafa Subhi and his comrades.
167. See Ozturk, Ataturk'un TBMM Acik ve Gizli Oturumlarindaki Konusmalari, 319-320, on the duties of the specialized personnel assigned to the Embassy Delegation, and granting of leave of absence.
168. Arriving in Moscow on 18 February 1921.
169. This American Institution appears to be one of the many Relief Organizations operating in the region. Karabekir does not provide further information on her affiliation.
170. Karabekir, 318.
171. Any sane commander would have rejected the proposal, given the strategic conditions prevailing in the Caucasus. Moreover, the TBMM Western Front was simultaneously under very heavy pressure from the invading Greek Armies.
172. Which included the recovery of only the territories lost during the 1877 and 1914 in the East.
173. The reports were finally delivered. At this point, Karabekir indicates the arrival in Moscow of a TBMM "Delegation." On 925, Karabekir mentions in passing that Captain Bahattin Efendi, the Liaison Officer in Yerevan, was his ADC.
174. Text on Karabekir, 928-931.
175. The letter was dated 25 January 1921. It detailed the circumstances of the munitions being sent by Moscow to TBMM [not the makes and calibers promised], names and personal details of officers put in charge of the transfer of arms from both sides, political and general conditions in Moscow, including rampant inflation [one "funt" (approximately one pound by weight) of cooking oil costing 13,000 rubles, sugar 27,000], and the status of the old CUP leadership. The existence of a "free market" in Moscow, in which goods not available from the Bolshevik government channels could be had "on the left" is perhaps one of the most interesting aspects adumbrated.
176. Full text in Karabekir, 945-950; Gologlu, Turk Istiklal Harbi.
177. Karabekir implies that they conversed in French.
178. See Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Moskova Hatiralari; Karabekir, 428-450. Shortly afterwards, Ali Fuat resigned.
179. (1879-1943), a member of the CUP; later joined the opposing Liberal Union. He became a TBMM Deputy, Minister of Health (1920), of Foreign Affairs (1921). In 1921, he joined the TBMM Plenipotentiary Delegation sent to Lausanne. His memoirs are published. See Shaw; also Cavit O. Tutengil, Dr. Riza Nur Uzerine: Yazi, Yankilar, Belgeler (Ankara, 1965); and S. S. Aydemir, Makedonya'dan Orta Asya'ya Enver Pasa Vol. 3. (Istanbul, 1972), who critically traces Riza Nur's activities prior to 1920.
180. Voluminous correspondence on the topic is in Karabekir, 956-974.
181. Text on Karabekir, 975-976.
182. Details of the Conference and the resulting treaty on Karabekir, 1001-1028. Karabekir mentions he had the text of the Treaty published separately.
183. S. R. Gibbons and P. Morican, League of Nations and UNO (Longman, 1970).
184. Predictably, the Soviet sources are generally silent on this matter. Moreover, Soviet historiography usually treats the era thinly, customarily bypassing the 1919-1925 period. See, for example, [Issuing Body] Akademia Nauk SSSR, Institut Vostokovedenia Problemy istorii Turtsii (sbornik stateii), (Moscow, 1978); B. M Potskhveriia Vneshniaia politika Turtsii posle vtoroi mirovoi viony (Moscow, 1976). Instead, Soviet authors prefer referring to a "friendship" between V. I. Lenin and M. K. Ataturk eliptically, based on their diplomatic correspondence and speeches.
185. Correspondence that took place between Ataturk and President Roosevelt, shortly before Ataturk's death (in 1937), indicates Roosevelt's desire to meet Ataturk. It is stated that Roosevelt wished to visit Ataturk in the Turkish Republic. See Borak, Pp. 365-367.
186. The Turkish Republic "...declared war on Germany on 23 February 1945, just in time to become a charter member of the United Nations." Shaw, 399.
187. See Documents on the Middle East, 128-130.
188. See, for example, Charles Wolf, Jr., Turkish Development Prospects and Policies in Light of Experiences Elsewhere (Rand Note N-1449, 1980); Paul Henze, The Plot to Kill the Pope (London, 1984); Lucille Pevsner, Turkey's Political Crisis: Background, Perspectives, Prospects (Praeger, 1984) (The Washington Papers/110, Center for International and Strategic Studies); Philip Robins, Turkey and the Middle East (NY: Chatham House/Council on Foreign Relations, 1991); Monteagle Stearns, Entangled Allies (NY: Council on Foreign Relations, 1991). A partial Soviet view is found in A. G. Aksenenko, Borba politicheskikh partii Turtsii za vlianii na molodezh, 1920-1980 (Moscow, 1986).