Document Numbers 23-34
2 July 1914 - 4 July 1914

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(29900) No. 23.
Consul Jones to Sir Edward Grey.
Serajevo, July 2, 1914.
D. 10:40 A.M.
R. 12:35 P.M.

Late last night martial law was proclaimed for these two provinces.

(29937) No. 24.
Sir H. Rumbold to Sir Edward Grey.
Tel (No. 80)
Berlin, July 2, 1914.
D. 8 30 P.M.
R. 9:30 P.M.

It is officially announced that the Emperor has, owing to a slight indisposition, given up the intention of going to Vienna to attend the funeral of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Great stress is laid in the press announcements on the fact that this decision has in no way been influenced by political considerations or by fear for the safety of the Emperor.

Cf. Despatch No. 26. See DD No, 6b.

(30094) No. 25.
Consul Jones to Sir Edward Grey.
Serajevo, July 3, 1914.
D. July 3, 11 P.M.
R. July 4, 8 A.M.

According to information received, a decree has been issued that all Servian subjects must leave Bosnia.

Two more accomplices have been arrested and have confessed their share in plot to murder.

(30322) No. 26.
Sir H. Rumbold to Sir Edward Grey. (Received July 6.)
(No. 269.)
Berlin, July 8, 1914.

As far as can be judged, the assassination of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and of his Consort at Serajevo produced an impression almost amounting to consternation in Germany. The Emperor had only quite recently returned from Konopischt and the intimacy existing between His Majesty and the Austro-Hungarian Heir Apparent was a matter of common knowledge as well as of great satisfaction to Germans. The measure of the association of the German people with all that concerns their Emperor enables the observer to gauge the horror with which the news was received of the crime which deprived His Majesty of his intimate friend. Added to this was great and universal sympathy for the aged Emperor Francis Joseph, who has lost the support of a Prince to whom he had entrusted the general supervision of the army and whose object it was to create a strong fleet.The foregoing were the considerations which suggested themselves to the German press on first hearing the news, and the possible political results of the crime to Germany's future relations with her ally have been little touched upon.

It may, perhaps, be observed generally that the relations between the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires fall into two parts, viz., the relations of the two Empires and of their Rulers inter se and the extent of the military and naval assistance they can give one another in the event of a war. The two questions are, of course, closely connected. In regard to the first point, the intimacy existing between the Emperor and the late Archduke seemed to constitute one certain factor in the future relations between the two Empires. This factor has now disappeared. It is now a matter of academical speculation whether, had the Archduke lived, there would have been found room in the Triple Alliance for two such masterful personalities as the Emperor and the late Austro-Hungarian Heir Apparent, in other words, whether the intimacy between them would have lasted. Complications might have arisen had any attempt been made to alter the line of succession in Austria-Hungary and these complications would not have left this country indifferent. But as regards this part of the question, such opinion as has found expression in the press is to the effect that nothing will be changed in the relations between the two allies. It is devoutly hoped here that the Austrian Emperor may yet live for several years to come and be able to train up the new Heir Apparent.

You are aware that, since the Balkan wars, doubts have sprung up in Germany as to the extent to which she can reckon on military assistance from her neighbour in the event of a general war. The idea is that Austria-Hungary would be hampered by having to prepare for eventualities on the Servian frontier. This idea has been strengthened by the recent crime at Serajevo. One or two organs of the press at once pointed out that the aspirations of those working for a greater Servia constitute a danger to the peace of Europe. One paper says that the question of the Southern Slavs is the one which will determine the destiny of Austria. The attitude of the Austro-Hungarian Government at this juncture is therefore being watched with anxious interest, as people here have had little doubt from the first that the plot which led to the death of the Archduke was hatched in Servia.

On learning the news of the assassination of the Austro-Hungarian Heir Apparent the Emperor at once altered his plans and returned to Potsdam on the 29th ultimo. His Majesty expressed his intention of personally attending the funeral of the Archduke, and it was given out that he would be accompanied by Prince Henry. It was announced in the course of yesterday, however, that owing to a sudden indisposition (attributed to lumbago), His Majesty had been obliged to abandon his intention of being present at the funeral. I have learnt privately that the abandonment of His Majesty' journey to Vienna was due in a letter from the Emperor of Austria. It is announced this morning that Prince Henry has likewise given up his intention of attending the funeral.

A memorial service for the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his Consort took place to-day at St. Hedwig's Church in Berlin. The Emperor was represented by Prince Eitel Friedrich and the service was attended by the principal Government officials at present in Berlin as well as by the entire diplomatic corps.

I have, etc.

Cf. Tel. No. 24.

(30842) No. 27.
Mr. Crackanthorpe to Sir Edward Grey. (Received July 6.)
(No. 120.) Confidential.
Belgrade, July 2, 1914.

I have the honour to report that the news of the assassination of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his consort the Duchess of Hohenberg at Sarayevo produced in Belgrade a sensation rather of stupefaction than of regret. The feeling most noticeable, especially among official circles, is one of apprehension lest too severe measures of repression should be exercised against the Serbs in Bosnia and in those parts of the Monarchy where the Serb element is preponderant. Such measures would, it is feared, excite public opinion in Servia and be made the occasion of anti-Austrian demonstrations which would not fail to bring about a tension in the relations between the two countries, and lead to serious complications.

Last Sunday the day on which the assassination took place happened to be the 525th anniversary of the battle of Kossovo, when the defeat of theServians by the Turks brought about the downfall of the Servian Empire of Dushan. This anniversary was hitherto kept in Servia as a day of national mourning, but this year for the first time it was made the occasion of a national fète owing to the defeat of the Turks by the Servian army in 1912 and the reacquisition by Servia of Old Servia and Kossovo. The day was therefore celebrated throughout Servia, and many Servians and Croatians from over the border came to Belgrade to participate in the rejoicings which took the form of patriotic processions through the streets of the town. When the news of the assassination were spread in Belgrade (at about 8 P.M.) the Servian Government, fearing lest in the heat of excitement aroused by the patriotic rejoicings which were taking place, the chauvinist element might lend an anti-Austrian colour to the demonstrations, issued an order to the effect that as a sign of mourning all places of entertainment, including cafes, should turn out lights and close at 10 o'clock.

In its issue of the 29th instant the Government organ "Samouprava" published a leading article expressing deep regret for the sad event, condemning the murder of the Archduke, and stating that it could only be the act of some irresponsible maniac. The organ of the principal opposition party (Independent Radicals), in its number of the same date, however, although it made use of expressions of regret, gave utterance to the opinion that it was an error of judgement for the Archduke to attend manoeuvres in Bosnia, the palpable object of which was to rehearse the defence of that province against a Serbo-Montenegrin attack, and to hold parades in a centre of Serbism like Sarayevo, just at the moment when patriotic rejoicings were taking place in the Servian capital.

The Secretary-General of the Servian Foreign Office whom I saw this morning, while disclaiming for the Servian Government all responsibility for the crime, used language very similar to this. I am informed in confidence by my Italian colleague that an interview of considerable violence took place between M.Grouitch and the Austrian Chargé d'Affaires on the occasion of the latter's visit to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs to return thanks for M. Grouitch's call of condolence. It appears that M. de Storck asked the Secretary-General unofficially whether the Servian Government did not consider it advisable to hold an investigation into the circumstances of the crime in view of the fact that both prisoners had recently been in Belgrade. This was apparently much resented by M. Grouitch as implying responsibility for the crime on the part of the Servian Government. High words ensued, and for the moment relations between the Austrian Legation and the Servian Ministry for Foreign Affairs are very strained. (1)

I have, &c.

(1) Cf. DD No. 12.

(30846) No. 28
Sir M. de Bunsen to Sir Edward Grey. (Received July 6.)
(No. 132.)
Vienna, July 2, 1914.

The mortal remains of the murdered Archduke and his consort were taken by train on the 30th June from Sarajevo to Metkovitch in Dalmatia, and thence in a small steamer to the mouth of the Narenta where they were embarked onboard the Austro-Hungarian dreadnought "Viribus Unitis" for conveyance toTrieste, escorted by a squadron of battleships and smaller vessels. Solemn funeral honours were bestowed along the route, and especially at Trieste, where the coffins were transferred this morning to the train which will deposit them late this evening in Vienna. They will lie in the chapel of the Hofburg Palace till to-morrow evening when they will be conveyed to their last resting-place in the chapel of Artstetten, an old castle, the property of the late Archduke, lying back a little way from the north bank of the Danube some 60 miles west of Vienna. The lying in state and the requiem service will take place to-morrow in the Hofburgchapel.

The horror excited by the peculiar atrocity of Sunday's crime has led unhappily to violent demonstrations of race antagonism in the southern Slav provinces of the Dual Monarchy, that is to say, especially in Bosnia and Croatia. At Sarajevo itself the Roman Catholic Croat population with a strong admixture of Mussulman Slavs proceeded to demolish all the property of the Orthodox Serbs they could layhands on. Serb hotels, shops, and private houses were ransacked, and their contents thrown into the street. The marauding bands were in some cases preceded by Austrian banners and portraits of the Emperor. The feeble attempts of the police to restore order were set at defiance. The work of destruction was continued on Monday, 29th June, the day following the murders; similar acts of violence being reported from other parts of the two annexed provinces, martial law was proclaimed on the afternoon of the 9th over Sarajevo and the adjoining district, and on the 1st July over the whole extent of both provinces. Disturbances are also reported from Agram and it seems pretty clear that the working arrangement between Croats and Serbs, the result of the Fiume manifesto of October 1905, by means of which it was hoped to secure greater political independence for the south Slav nationalities, has for the time completely broken down. Nothing in reality divides the two peoples but the difference of religion and the fact that their identical language is written by the Croats in the Latin and by the Serbs in the Cyrillic character. Southern Slav aspirations, therefore, which depend for their realisation on the unification of the different Slavonic races under Austro-Hungarian rule would appear to have experienced a decided set back.

On the other hand, only the future can show whether the dreams of a greater Servia have or have not been brought nearer realisation by an outrage which must cause the police regime of Bosnia and Herzegovina to be rendered infinitely more severe than it was before.

As regards the relations between the Dual Monarchy and Servia, it is not unlikely that a period of great tension will now set in. M. Jovanovitch, Servian Minister in Vienna, is in despair at the prospect of seeing his efforts to settle the Oriental Railways and other pending questions between the two countries completely frustrated, as he fears they now will be. The Vienna press takes it for granted that the Sarajevo murders were planned at Belgrade, and that the Servian Government, though not directly implicated, is guilty of showing favour to the plans of the political extremists whose aim it is to subvert Austro-Hungarian rule in the neighbouring provinces. Servia is thus held responsible for having assisted to create the atmosphere in which the hideous crime of Sarajevo was hatched.

I have, &c.

No. 29.
Sir M. de Bunsen to Sir Arthur Nicolson.
Vienna, July 3, 1914

My dear Nicolson,
Why the German Emperor has not come after all, I do not know. The official reason is that he had an attack of lumbago (Hexenschuss). My own idea was that he had been made to understand that foreign Sovereigns and Princes were not expected. The "Reichspost" the Archduke's Christian Socialist organ, which inveighs against all the arrangements as unbecoming the dignity of the departed says the Emperor William evidently wished to show his disgust at the slights which were being heaped on his friend. There is a strong belief among well-informed Press people that the true reason is the discovery of an anarchist or Slav Nationalist plot directed against the Emperor William or some other great person. It is always difficult to verify such rumours.

Every night attempts are made to get at the Servian Legation, or the Servian Church near by, or the Servian Minister's private house. Last night some pretty sharp fighting took place between the crowd and the police. The former made its way in dense masses to the quarter in which these buildings are, all close together, when the funeral procession had passed.The police succeeded in heading them off, upon which they broke into the Austrian National Anthem and the Wacht am Rhein, which seems also to have become a kind of second Austrian national anthem. A small excited batch of about 800 got into the Embassy quarter shortly before 1 o'clock. It was thought they intended demonstrating in a hostile sense before the Russian Embassy as standing behind the Servians. Anyhow, the police kept them back and they gathered at the end of the Metternichgasse (our street) where it runs into the Rennweg, where I was able plainly to follow the proceedings. All was quite orderly speeches, and patriotic songs, and cries at the end of Pfui Serbien. The "Reichspost" and some few papers of that colour are inciting strongly to an attack on Servia and severe suppression of the Southern Slavs within the Dual Monarchy. The official "Fremdenblatt," however, and most of the more reasonable papers, take the line that it would not be politic to take Servia as a whole to account for the crimes of a small band of degenerates who draw their inspiration from pan-Serb headquarters at Belgrade. The army, I hear, are very bitter, straining at the leash. I can hardly believe they will be "let slip." But, of course, a difficult time is in prospect. I must say I think the Servian Press is behaving shamefully. Long extracts are published here from the Servian newspapers, which seem inclined to regard the assassins as martyrs, sacrificed in a holy cause. Insulting expressions are used against this country "worm-eaten" is the favourite epithet. Ordinary decency would have at least postponed such expressions for a time, and would have made some pretence of offering sympathy and disclaiming the murderers. My friend Jovanovitch, Servian Minister, really a very good fellow, and moderate in his views, is in absolute despair at the collapse of his efforts to bring about better relations with Austria, efforts which in theOriental Railways question were promising very well. No doubt the Servians were really annoyed at the choice of date for the Bosnian manoeuvres which corresponded with their national celebrations on the anniversary of the battle of Kossovo (14th century). They say the Austrians lose no opportunity of harrowing their legitimate feelings as Servians. Unfortunately, this is in accordance with the anti-Serb policy to which this Government is so obstinately wedded. They will not see that their only chance of resisting the downward pressure of Germany upon them would lie in a broad policy of conciliation towards the Southern Slav elements by which a broad Austro-Slav barrier might be drawn across the southward march of Germany towards Trieste. My Italian colleague, Duc Avarna, who has lately become much more outspoken than he used to be in talking to me, strongly condemns the accepted Austrian anti-Serb policy. It was this that made Austria mobilise in 1912-13 and half ruin herself to keep back Servia from the Adriatic. Hence the crazy structure of Albania, now crumbling to pieces. One wonders if it is really worth while to patch it up again, even if it should be possible to do so. But what is the alternative? Would it be possible to have the International Commission at Durazzo acting as a kind of link between three sections into which Albania might be cut, the northern Catholic, the centre Mussulman, and the southern Orthodox, each under a Chieftain of its respective religion? Only enough troops would be wanted to protect the Commission against attempts to drive it into the sea! But I think in the end, perhaps years hence, the Servians will have to get to the sea, and intervening arrangements can only be in the nature of stop-gaps. The "Figaro" no doubt is premature in speaking of the coalition of Servia and Montenegro into one kingdom as imminent; but sooner or later it surely must come about.

Yours ever,

NOTE. The omitted parts contain a full description of the funeral ceremonies and further observations on Albania.

(30386) No. 30.
Mr. Akers-Douglas to Sir Edward Grey -- (Received July 6.)
(No. 53.)
Bucharest, June 30, 1914.

The terrible news of the tragedy at Sarajevo has been received here with deep regret and indignation. Among the people of this country, to whom he was specially endeared by the sympathy he was believed to have for the Roumanians in Hungary the late Archduke was always popular; and while recently there has been a coolness of public feeling towards the neighbouring Empire, it was recognised that the Heir Apparent himself was strongly in favour of intimate relations with this country. The Roumanians in Transylvania claimed in His Imperial Highness a strong sympathiser and looked forward to a sure recognition of their rights to better treatment when he should come to the throne.

In the Chamber and in the Senate yesterday the Prime Minister and the Minister for Foreign Affairs spoke of the bonds of sincere friendship which had so long united the two countries and added that Roumanians could never forget the cordial friendship which the late Archduke constantly showed to them. Both houses adjourned as a mark of mourning.

To King Charles the news will have come as a great shock; and the close and intimate friendship which has always existed between the Courts of Vienna and Bucharest will give a special character to the sympathy felt by His Majesty for the aged Emperor. The Roumanian Court goes into four weeks mourning; and it is announced that the Crown Prince will attend the funeral at Vienna.

The Press, in voicing the sincere sympathy of Roumania, remarks that the Archduke would have been a great "protector of minorities and supporter of national aims" within his Empire; that his death is a serious loss to Austria and makes her future still more fraught with danger a future which needs a strong hand aswell as a just and conciliatory policy in view of the possibility of grave developments.

I have, &c.

(30576) No. 31.
Sir M. de Bunsen to Sir Edward Grey.
Vienna; July 6, 1914.
D. 2:10 P.M.
R. 4 P.M.
Tel. (No. 83.)

The Servian Minister tells me that no official communication has yet been received by the Servian Government from the Austro-HungarianGovernment asking for the assistance of the Servian Government in bringing to punishment all persons guilty of complicity in assassinations. He has protested at the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office against the tendency of public opinion and press to involve theServian Government in responsibility for the crime before even primary investigation has been concluded in Serajevo Court.(1) It may be noted that the bombs were procured in Servia where many remain over from the war during which they were used by regular troops but certainly the Servian Government as well as the great body of Servian public opinion have been amongst the first to deplore and condemn a crimestriking a heavy blow at Servian aspirations for future. He fears that legal proceedings at Serajevo should be converted from mere investigation of dastardly crime into preparation of an indictment against whole Serb population of the Dual Monarchy and even against the Servian nation in which case serious position may easily arise.

(Repeated to Belgrade.)

(1) Cf. S. No. 12

(30742) No. 32.
Sir Edward Grey to Sir H. Rumbold (Berlin).
(No. 214.) Secret.
Foreign Office, July 6, 1914.

The German Ambassador spoke very warmly to-day of the satisfaction and pleasure which had been given to the Emperor, and generally, by the visit of the British Admiral to Kiel.

I said that I knew that it had given great satisfaction and pleasure on our side.

The Ambassador then went on to speak to me privately, he said, but very seriously, as to the anxiety and pessimism that he had found in Berlin. He explained that the murder of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand had excited very strong anti-Servian feeling in Austria; and he knew for a fact, though he did not know details, that the Austrians intended to do something and it was not impossible that they would take military action against Servia.

I said that surely they did not think of taking any territory?

The Ambassador replied that they did not wish to take territory, because they would not know what to do with it. He thought their idea was that they must have some compensation in the sense of some humiliation for Servia. The situation was exceedingly difficult for Germany; if she told the Austrians that nothing must be done, she would be accused of always holding them back and not supporting them; on the other hand if she let events take their course there was the possibility of very serious trouble. The Ambassador earnestly hoped that, if trouble came, we would use our influence to mitigate feeling in St. Petersburg.

A second thing which caused anxiety and pessimism in Berlin was the apprehension in Germany about the attitudeof Russia, especially in connection with the recent increase of Russianmilitary strength. He was told that Russia now had a peace footing of one million men and the impression in Germany was that Russian feeling towards Germany was very unfavourable.

A third thing was the idea that there was some Naval Convention between Russia and England. He had reported to his Government all that I had said to him recently,(1) just before he went to Germany on holiday, about our relations with Russia and France, and he had assured his Government that they could trust every word, and that there was no secret agreement on our part. They accepted the statement that there was nothing between the British and Russian Governments, but they felt that, nevertheless, there might be some understanding between the British and Russian Naval authorities. If there was such an understanding for co-operation directed against Germany, it would strengthen chauvinistic feeling in Russia, it would make pan-German feeling quite irresistible, and lead to an increase of the German Naval law, which otherwise was not intended, and it would also impair good feeling between England and Germany generally. This was what had been impressed upon him very strongly in Berlin.

The Ambassador went so far as to say that there was some feeling in Germany, based more especially upon the second and third things that he had mentioned to me this afternoon, that trouble was bound to come and therefore it would be better not to restrain Austria and let the trouble come now, rather than later. He impressed upon me more than once that he was speaking quite privately and on very delicate matters, but he was anxious to keep in touch with me. Though he did not share the belief of some people in Berlin that Russia was ill-disposed towards Germany, he was so anxious that he felt he must speak to me immediately on his return from Germany. He quoted Herr von Bethmann Hollweg as being pessimistic.

The Ambassador said that he had asserted at Berlin that though England would remain firmly in the group of the triple entente, for she must preserve the balance of power and could not see France annihilated, yet we did not wish to see the groups of Powers draw apart. I cordially confirmed this.

I said that I would look up the record of what I said to him recently before he went to Berlin about our relations with France and Russia and I would show it to him.(2) We had had no indication from St. Petersburg, ever since the question of the German command in Constantinople was settled, that the Russians had any feeling of anxiety or irritation or ill-will as regards Germany. I recalled what I had said to him at the time of the German command at Constantinople as to how strongly Russia felt on that point, but since it had been settled I had heard nothing unfavourable from St. Petersburg as regards Germany. I was disturbed by what the Ambassador had told me about the form that anti-Servian feeling might take in Austria. If trouble did come, I would use all the influence I could to mitigate difficulties and smooth them away, and if the clouds arose to prevent the storm from breaking. I was glad that he hadspoken to me, and I should like to talk the whole matter of his conversation over with him later on, when I had had time to consider it.

I am, &c.

For Prince Lichnowsky' account of this conversation see DD No. 20.
(1) See No. 4.
(2) See No. 4.

No. 33.
Sir Arthur Nicolson to Sir M. de Bunsen.
Foreign Office, July 6, 1914.

My dear de Bunsen.
Many thanks for your letter of the 3rd. The crime at Serajevo was certainly a terrible one and shocked everybody here. I trust it will have no serious political consequences, in any case outside of Austria-Hungary. I suppose we must be prepared for a strong campaign against Servia, but I am glad to see from your letter that the more reasonable journals in Vienna deprecate making a Government and a country responsible for crimes of certain revolutionaries. Your account of the feeling which has been caused among certain circles in Vienna in regard to the funeral ceremonies is interesting, and I see that in the papers this morning this feeling is made known. The disinclination of the Emperor to receive special foreign Princes on the occasion is quite understood here, as it would have entailed a great strain upon him.

The Albanian question is certainly a most perplexing problem, and I am glad that it is not required, or expected, that we should take a very prominent part in attempting to solve the question. Our line is rather to follow the lead of other Powers and to fall in with any steps on which they may all agree. There is one point, however, on which we are firm, and that is we have no intention whatever of compromising the lives of any British soldiers or bluejackets in attempting to restore order in Albania. I think that the departure of the Prince would really ease the situation considerably. It is now pretty evident that there is little chance of his being able to enforce his authority throughout the country. I really believe it would have been better at the beginning not to have endeavoured to create an independent State out of such disunited tribes. I am not sure that perhaps the simplest solution would not have been to let Servia and Greece divide the country between them. However, this of course is quite out of the question now, and I think we must leave the solution of the question to Vienna and Rome. The idea of three autonomous provinces was mentioned to me by Cambon this afternoon. Otherwise we have no very urgent and pressing question to preoccupy us in the rest of Europe. There is a momentary détente between Turkey and Greece, and the danger of war between those two countries is for the present at any rate postponed. We are therefore now chiefly busying ourselves with endeavouring to arrange matters with Russia inregard to Persia, and, in a secondary degree, Tibet. As you will have seen from the telegrams we have already embarked upon serious conversations with the Russian Government on the subject. We certainly meet with a very conciliatory and friendly disposition on the part of the Emperor and Sazonof.

The naval visits both to Russia and to Germany went off wonderfully well especially the former, and I think it was a very good move having sent our ships to Kronstadt. The Russian press was at the moment becoming a little disagreeable to us over the oil concession in Southern Persia, and the visit of our squadron showed that we in any case were animated with very friendly feelings. The reception accorded to our ships was of the warmest character, and the Emperor was especially civil and gracious to them.

(30616) No. 34.
Sir M. de Bunsen to Sir Edward Grey. (Received July 7.)
(No. 185.)
Vienna, July 4, 1914.

A great part of the garrison of Vienna lined the course followed last night by the funeral procession from the Hofburg to the Western Railway Station. Thence the remains of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and the Duchess of Hohenberg were conveyed in the dead of night by train to Pochlarn on the Danube. At daybreak this morning they crossed the Danube by ferry, and proceeded slowly towards their final resting place in the Archduke's family vault at Artstetten.

The Archduke and Duchess had lain in state in the Hofburg Chapel all yesterday morning. At midday I placed before the catafalque, by the King's command, a wreath with an inscription expressive of His Majesty's friendship and affection for the departed. At 4 P.M. a short requiem service was held in the Chapel in the presence of the Emperor and Court. Most of the foreign representatives had been specially charged to represent the Chiefs of their respective States at the funeral.The King having been pleased to bestow this honour likewise upon myself, I was placed with my colleagues of the Holy See, Italy, Germany, France and Russia in the front row of those who were invited to attend the ceremony. The actual service lasted, out of consideration for the Emperor, only a quarter of an hour.

Thus within a week of the occurrence of the detestable crime at Sarajevo the funeral honours ordained for the murdered Archduke and his Consort have been brought to a close. Complaints have made themselves heard that these honours were unduly restricted. It has been said, for instance, that it would have been more seemly to have deputed one or more members of the Imperial Family to accompany the coffins on their last journey from Sarajevo to the Capital; that the night procession on their arrival might have been made more imposing; that a church larger than the Burg Chapel selected for that purpose might have formed the scene of ceremonies more befitting the high position of the departed; that the presence of foreign Princes, as announced from many quarters, need not have been declined and the proceedings thus deprived of a visible sign of the sympathy which is everywhere felt for this country in her sorrow.

The Christian Socialist newspaper, the "Reichspost," often regarded as the special mouthpiece of the Archduke himself, has made itself the most conspicuous organ of these embittered criticisms, and in this morning's issue it welcomes the participation of the Vienna garrison in last night's proceedings as a sign that at the eleventh hour it was realised that something more must be done to mark the solemnity of the occasion than what took place on the previous night, when no special military display had been arranged. At the last moment a large contingent of notables, who had not been honoured with invitations to take part in the ceremonies, contrived to attach themselves last night to the tail of the funeral procession. Amongst them were included many members of the Vienna aristocracy.

It is difficult to believe that there could have been any intention to conduct the proceedings in a manner unbefitting the exalted rank of the victims. If the ceremonies were cut short, this was no doubt owing to the desire that the Emperor, whose enforced return from Ischl must have been very upsetting to His Majesty, should not be exposed to any avoidable fatigue. I am informed that the ceremonies followed closely the traditional "Spanish" rites of the Imperial Court.

The violence of the popular outburst of feeling against Servia, and the entire Serb race, is as yet unabated. During the last few nights the house of the Servian Minister has been with difficulty shielded by a large force of police against the onslaught of surging crowds. Demonstrations against the Russian Embassy have been happily prevented, but the district containing the Russian, German and British Embassies is closely guarded, so as to forestall inconvenient displays of aversion or favour by the mob.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina martial law prevails. I forward a despatch from Mr.Vice-Consul Jones at Sarajevo. I gather from a private communication from Mr. Jones that the local authorities must have been very remiss in not repressing the anti-Serb riots sooner than they did. Now they have gone into the opposite extreme of applying martial law, which makes many almost trivial offences punishable with death. It does not appear that the destruction of Serb property was accompanied by bodily violence against the Serbs.

The Vienna Press published at length Servian Press comments on the murders, which unfortunately contain some expressions amounting almost to condonation, and even approval of the dastardly outrage.

I have, &c.

Cf. Mr. Max Muller's despatch No. 70.
Enclosure in No. 34.
Consul Jones to Sir Maurice de Bunsen.
(No. 9.)
Sarajevo, July 2, 1914.


I have the honour to report that last night these two provinces, Bosnia and Herzegovina, were placed under martial law.

To-day's issue of the "Sarajevoer Tagblatt" mentions as the reason for the adoption of this measure the fact that excesses have occurred in so many places.

In a former number the same paper in its account of the riots of Monday last endeavours to excuse the failure of the authorities to prevent those excesses on the ground that the demonstrators' manifest loyalty rendered the military forces powerless, but in the next column admits that the establishment of martial law soon restored order,and it is difficult to avoid the inference that had that step been taken some hours earlier the troops would with no greater effort have succeeded in at once suppressing the disorders and thereby have prevented the indiction of suffering upon many innocent people.

I have, &c.

Created: 28 July 1996, 12:14 PM Last Updated: 28 July 1996, 12:14 PM